Make NYC Lease Prices Public Record

New York City publishes what every home sells for, but not what any apartment rents for. We ask the Council to require the agreed price of every residential lease and sublease to be public record — no tenant names, no rent control, just the price.

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  • 3 Brooklyn
  • 2 Queens
  • 3 I don't live in NYC

What this petition is not

This petition does not ask the City to set, cap, freeze, or otherwise control any rent.

It takes no position on rent regulation, on the Rent Guidelines Board, or on what any apartment ought to cost. A landlord would remain free to ask whatever they believe the market will bear, and a prospective tenant would remain free to agree to it or walk away. Nothing here changes who may raise a rent, by how much, or when.

The single change we ask for is that once a price has been agreed, that price is public — exactly as the sale price of a home has been public in this city for decades.

The petition

Addressed to The New York City Council — Committee on Housing and Buildings

To the Speaker and Members of the New York City Council:

We, the undersigned, call on the Council to make the price agreed in every consumer residential lease and sublease in New York City a matter of public record.

We ask the Council to amend the annual property registration requirements of the Housing Maintenance Code (Administrative Code §§ 27-2097 and 27-2098) so that an owner's registration statement must include, for each dwelling unit:

— the monthly rent charged under the current lease;
— the lease start date and the length of the term;
— whether the lease is a new tenancy or a renewal;
— whether the unit is rent-stabilized, rent-controlled, or unregulated;
— any concession, free-rent period, or fee that changes the effective price.

We further ask that the Council:

1. Extend the same filing duty to subleases, so that the price a subtenant actually pays is recorded rather than hidden behind the prime lease.

2. Require the Department of Housing Preservation and Development to publish the resulting data on the NYC Open Data portal — free of charge, in bulk-downloadable form, and through a public API.

3. Prohibit the publication of tenant information of any kind. The record identifies the unit, never the person: no names, contact details, income, credit history, household composition, or immigration status.

4. Apply the enforcement that already attaches to a false or missing registration statement, so that the duty to report the real price carries consequences.

Coverage should follow the registration requirement that already exists, which exempts owner-occupied one- and two-family homes.

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Why this matters

Deals made in the dark benefit whoever has the leverage.

When two parties negotiate and only one of them can see the market, the agreement reflects leverage rather than value. A landlord knows what comparable units in the building rent for, what the last tenant paid, and how long the apartment has sat empty. The prospective tenant knows exactly one number: the one they have just been quoted. They cannot tell whether it is ordinary or opportunistic, whether the unit has been vacant for three months, or whether the tenant one floor up pays four hundred dollars less for the same layout.

That asymmetry is not a natural feature of housing markets. It is a consequence of the price being kept private, and it can be ended by publishing it.

New York already accepts this principle — for owners.

Every deed and sale price in the five boroughs is public through ACRIS, the City Register's online database. Anyone can look up what a neighbor paid for their apartment. Nobody treats this as a scandalous invasion of privacy, and no one seriously argues it has ruined the sales market. Buyers use it to avoid overpaying. The city applies price transparency to the transaction most New Yorkers will never make, and withholds it from the one that most of us make over and over again.

Listings show asking rents. They do not show what was agreed.

The rent data available today comes largely from broker listings, which record what an owner hoped to get rather than what a tenant actually paid. A unit advertised at $3,600 that rents for an effective $3,300 after a month of free rent still appears in the record at $3,600 — or disappears from it entirely once it is leased. Concessions, fee structures, and net-effective pricing make advertised rents an unreliable guide to the real market, for renters and for the Council alike.

Landlords already pool this data. Tenants do not.

Owners and brokers share rent information through industry databases and revenue-management software that sets prices using the confidential rents of competing buildings. Whatever one concludes about that practice, the asymmetry is plain: one side of the negotiation has a pooled view of the market and the other side has none. Publishing agreed rents does not hand owners visibility they lack. It stops that visibility from being one-sided.

Other cities already do this.

Washington, DC operates a public RentRegistry explicitly intended to give tenants, housing providers, policymakers, researchers, and the general public a view of the rental market. Los Angeles requires owners to file the rent for every unit annually. New York State already collects registered rents for rent-stabilized apartments through Homes and Community Renewal — but that data is not open to the public, does not cover market-rate units, and in practice a tenant can obtain only the history of their own apartment. The mechanism is not exotic. What is missing here is that it cover every unit and that anyone be able to read it.

What becomes possible:

— A renter can see the rent history of the exact unit they are about to sign for.
— A rent-stabilized tenant can check the registered rent against what they are being charged, which is how overcharges get found.
— Researchers, journalists, and the Council can measure the market from prices that were actually agreed rather than prices that were merely advertised.
— Patterns of differential pricing become visible and measurable instead of anecdotal.

How it would work

1. Nothing changes at the kitchen table. A landlord and a tenant negotiate and sign a lease exactly as they do now, at whatever price the two of them agree on.

2. The owner reports the price on a form they already file. Owners of covered buildings register with HPD every year through the existing Property Registration Online System. This amendment adds per-unit rent and lease-term fields to that filing. It is not a new form, not a new agency, and not a new fee.

3. HPD publishes the unit, not the tenant. Tenant information never enters the public dataset. What publishes is the address and unit, the price, the term, and the regulatory status.

4. Anyone can read it. The dataset lands on NYC Open Data alongside the hundreds of datasets the City already publishes — free, downloadable in bulk, and queryable through a public API, so a renter, a reporter, a nonprofit, and a landlord all work from the same numbers.

5. Filing falsely carries the penalty it already carries. A registration statement that misstates the rent is treated like any other false registration statement.

Questions

Is this rent control?
No. This petition asks for disclosure, not regulation. It does not cap, freeze, or set any rent, and it takes no position on rent regulation. A landlord could charge tomorrow exactly what they charge today. The only difference is that the agreed price would be on the public record afterwards.
Will my name be published?
No. The published record identifies the apartment, not the person living in it. Names, contact details, income, credit history, household composition, and immigration status would be excluded by the text of the law itself rather than left to administrative discretion.
Isn't my rent my own private business?
The published figure is the price of a transaction attached to an address, not a fact about you personally. New York has published the sale price of every home for decades on exactly this reasoning. If you move out and someone else moves in at a different rent, the record shows a change in what the unit costs — it says nothing about either of you.
Won't this just let landlords see everyone's rents and raise theirs?
Landlords already have that visibility, through broker databases and revenue-management software that prices units off competitors' confidential rents. Renters are the ones without it. Publishing the data does not give owners information they currently lack; it ends a one-sided advantage. It is a fair question to ask, and it is precisely why the data must be free and public rather than sold to whoever can afford a subscription.
Is this a burden on small landlords?
Covered owners already file an annual registration with HPD. This adds fields to a form they complete anyway. Owner-occupied one- and two-family homes, already exempt from the registration requirement, would remain exempt.
Does the City actually have the power to do this?
This is a recordkeeping and disclosure requirement, not rent regulation. The 1971 Urstadt Law bars New York City from strengthening rent and eviction regulation beyond what the State provides. It does not bar the City from deciding what owners must report or what the City publishes. The Council legislated on rent transparency as recently as Local Law 86 of 2025, which requires buildings to disclose the presence of rent-stabilized units.
What about subleases?
They are covered deliberately. A sublet is where price opacity does the most damage, because a subtenant usually has no way to learn what the prime tenant pays and little standing to ask.
Isn't rent-stabilized data already public?
Not meaningfully. New York State's Homes and Community Renewal collects registered rents for stabilized units, but the database is not open to the public, does not cover market-rate apartments, and in practice a tenant can request only the history of their own unit. That is a fraction of the market, behind a request process.
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